SAIIA : Foreign Minister's Annual Address
Delivered by Deputy Minster of Foreign Affairs, Mr.
Aziz Pahad, 18 April 2002
Dr Greg Mills,
Members of the Diplomatic Corps,
Ladies and Gentleman,
Today, I have the privilege to deliver the Foreign Ministers
Annual Address on behalf of Minister Nkosazana Dlamini
Zuma. This annual event has become an important opportunity
to enunciate South Africas foreign policy perspectives
and to stimulate public debate on policy issues.
We live in an era of profound change, distinguished
by globalisation. Brought about by the following factors
Foreign exchange liberalisation in the early 1970s
Financial and trade liberalisation
Lowering of cost of transportation as well as increase
Rapid advances in Information Communications Technology
Unprecedented development of Biotechnology
Some manifestations of globalisation that have a profound
impact on the global economy and international relations,
are inter alia:
Flows of capital have increased dramatically in the
past twenty years :
In 1980 cross-border transactions in bonds and equities
( shares issued by companies ) were equivalent to 8%
of Japanese GDP; in 1998 the figure was 91%. During
the same period it increased in the US from 9% to 230%,
in Germany from 7% to 334% of GDP.
The global bond market is terrifyingly big. Between
1982 and 1997 it increased in size by a factor of 6,
to around US$25trillion. By mid-1999, the total value
of bonds outstanding had reached US$34 trillion. That
exceeds not only the total capitalisation of all the
worlds stock markets ( US$27,5 trillion in 1999
) but also the total GDP of all the worlds countries
( US$30,1 trillion in 1997 ). More than half of all
bonds in 1999 were issued by governments or other public
sector agencies. And just under half of all bonds were
of USA origin.
The daily turnover on the worlds foreign exchange
markets rose from US$1,6 trillion in 1995 to US$ 2 trillion
in 1998, implying annual flows of more than US$400 trillion
( SAs approx. R11 billion per day or approx. US$1
It is vital to have a new financial architecture to
manage the unprecedented flows of capital, which can
have a devastating impact on our economies.
Minister Manuel represents SA in the Committee of 21
which is looking at this matter.
Growing concentration of financial and economic power.
In 1997, around 90% of total bond issuance was issued
by just 20 firms (of which Merrill Lynch, Morgan Stanley
and JP Morgan accounted for around a fifth ).
Clearly, we have moved from a world which once was marked
by governments with control over resources to one where
little wealth is common or public. We live in a world
where inequality of wealth and opportunities are growing.
This is not only a phenomenon between countries
in the USA, for example, the inequality based on falling
real wages for low-paid workers is unparalleled since
the Great Depression.
Advances have been made, but it is grossly uneven. Nearly
1,3 billion people do not have access to clean water;
one in seven children of primary school age is out of
school; an estimated 1.3 billion people live on incomes
of less than 1$ a day. Can we sustain a stable world
order when it has been estimated that a 4% levy on the
worlds 225 most well-to-do-people would suffice
to provide the following essentials for all those in
developing countries: adequate food, safe water and
sanitation, basic education, basic health care and reproductive
The growing inequalities between countries is even more
stark one fifth of the worlds people living
in the highest-income countries have:
86% of the worlds GDP the bottom fifth
have a mere 1%
82% of the worlds export markets the bottom
fifth just 1%
74% of the worlds telephone lines the bottom
fifth just 1.5%
OECD countries with 19% of the global population have
71% of the global trade in goods and services, 58% of
foreign direct investment and 91% of all Internet users.
Weakening of democracy and politics
Power is much more diffuse than in the past. Power is
no longer exclusively concentrated in governments. Erosion
of state power. Non-state actors such as Bretton Woods
institutions, financial institutions and monopolies
have become increasingly important.
Multilateralism is becoming increasingly important
to solve problems (e.g. transnational crime and terrorism).
Globally accepted standards and practices have developed
in terms of political, economic and corporate governance.
What are the implications of this??
Monopolisation is taking place at an unprecedented
pace. Nobody is immune, not even the large multinational
companies. For example: of the Fortune 500 top companies
of 1980, 60% of them had disappeared by 1994 (either
bankrupt or merged with other companies).
Volatility in global financial markets, e.g. Asian melt-down,
Latin American crisis. It will become worse, before
it becomes better, e.g. The Rands inexplicable
fluctuations despite the fact that the IMF and
World Bank declared that SA has one of the best macro-economic
policies of the "emerging markets".
As I said earlier, there is an urgent need for a new
financial architecture to manage the unprecedented flows
of capital, which can have a devastating impact on our
Degradation and depletion of natural resources.
Increasing inter-dependence as the impact and repercussions
of migration, financial upheaval, environmental disaster
and military confrontations now ripple quickly over
the entire planet.
Growth of neo-liberal and neo-conservative ideologies
which confuse market economies with market societies
and argue that the ideological debate about the nature
of political economy has ended.
The neo-liberal paradigm gives little consideration
to concerns about representative democracy, human rights
and social justice, environment, and views globalisation
as a deregulated process of being able to do anything
anywhere in order to maximise profits.
The historic Millenium Declaration, is an alternative
perspective that guides our policies, states:
" We believe that the central challenge we face
today is to ensure that globalisation becomes a positive
force for all the worlds people. For while globalisation
offers great opportunities, at present its benefits
are very unevenly shared, while its costs are unevenly
distributed. We recognise that developing countries
and countries with economies in transition face special
difficulties in responding to this central challenge.
Thus, only through broad and sustained efforts to create
a shared future, based upon our common humanity in all
its diversity, can globalisation be made fully inclusive
and equitable. These efforts must include policies and
measures, at the global level, which correspond to the
needs of developing countries and economies in transition,
and are formulated and implemented with their effective
This clearly underscores the growing reality that:
" If a free society cannot help the many who are
poor, it cannot save the few who are rich " and
" Development that perpetuates todays inequalities
is neither sustainable, nor worth sustaining ".
In the context of NEPAD, our foreign policy objective
would be to ensure that the Millenium targets, inter-alia:
halve the worlds very poor by 2015
primary education for all by 2015
reduce maternal mortality by three quarters and under
mortality by two thirds, also by 2015
halt and then reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS, malaria
other major diseases by 2015,
will be met.
Chairperson, we seek to achieve our objectives which,
since 11 September 2001, have to grapple with the consequences
of the heinous terrorist attacks in the US on global
security which was immediately condemned by South
Africa in the strongest terms. As a consequence of these
attacks, the Global Coalition Against Terrorism has
come about. Differences between major powers and regional
powers have been put aside to address the new common
enemy. New terminology has been born such as the "Axis
Against Evil", the language of which is a reflection
of the extraordinary times we live in. The world has
been divided into one of: "either with us or against
Certain foremost international relations analysts refer
to the new emerging world order, which they speculate
would stretch at least over the next two decades, as
comprising a new Rome with three other major power centres
orbiting it, i.e. USA, EU, Japan and China. There is
also intense debate among diplomats and academics about
the nature of power in this global information age -
that is to say: hard versus soft power or a combination
Professor Joseph Nye, Dean of Harvard Kennedy School
of Government, has recently argued (The Economist, March
23 29, 2002) that power resembles a three-dimensional
chess game: On the top chessboard, military power is
unipolar with the USA dominating.
On the middle chessboard, economic power is multipolar
with the USA, Europe and Japan representing two thirds
of world production, with Chinas dramatic growth
likely to make it the fourth big player.
The bottom chessboard, is the realm of transnational
relations that cross borders outside government control.
Here power is widely dispersed amongst actors as diverse
as bankers and terrorists. According to Professor Nye,
it is a three-dimensional game that one will lose if
you focus only on one dimension and fail to notice the
vertical connections among the three dimensions. How
to make hard and soft power reinforce each other, are
the key foreign policy challenges!
Unfortunately, since the tragic events of 11 September,
there has been a growing contradiction between unilateralism
and multilaterism. On the one hand, the Global Coalition
against Terrorism is clearly a recognition that the
transnational and complex nature of terrorism can only
be dealt with successfully through as many as possible
countries cooperating to combat it.
On the other hand, there is a growing trend towards
unilateralism when it comes to the use of hard power,
i.e. military force or the threat thereof. There is
a debate on whether the latter approach will lead to
a new world order that is characterised by more tension,
conflict and instability and whether this will impede
the endeavours to establish a just and equitable international
political, financial and economic system. The South
African Governments principled belief in a democratic
world order and multilateralism dictates that we continue
to fight for the transformation and democratisation
of the multi-lateral institutions, including the Security
Council and the Bretton Woods institutions.
Notwithstanding the fundamental changes to international
relations after 11 September 2001, my contention is
that the global challenges affecting humanity are precisely
the same as those before 11 September 2001! If anything,
these challenges have taken on a new urgency. There
is growing consensus internationally in support of South
Africas persistent view that in order to defeat
terrorism, a holistic approach must be adopted in dealing
with the root causes thereof. The Secretary-General
of the UN, speaking in the UN General Assembly, echoed
these very same sentiments when he said inter alia:
Let us remember that none of the issues that faced us
on 10 September has become less urgent
These challenges are, inter alia:
eradication of poverty, communicable and pandemic diseases;
ensuring sustainable development;
combating the negative consequences of globalisation;
preventing global warming;
containing the threats to global peace and security,
amongst others, the current conflict in the Middle East;
eradicating racism, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance;
combating transnational crime and terrorism.
It is in these intricate international realities that
South Africa has to conduct its foreign policy. Simplistic
foreign-policy solutions are often prescribed to the
South African Government with good intentions. But as
the philosopher Daniel Dennett observed, "for every
difficult question there is a simple answer and
The eminent Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe, author
of Things Fall Apart, considers himself an optimist
today. He says that his country, and for that matter
Africa, has seen such horrors, "the excesses of
bad government which lie like a curse on the continent",
that he now believes these nightmares will serve as
correctives for the future. "Were not good
students, but in the end we do pick up pieces here and
there. This is the hope, the only hope, perhaps",
It is dangerous to underestimate Africas marginalisation.
Let me give you an example of the challenges we face.
In a recent Finance Week article, Helena Barnard writes
that she once had to explain to an American that the
South African flag is not the African flag and that
Africa is a continent with a large number of countries,
languages and cultures. She thought that Africa was
at least on their radar screens, until she saw a map
that is part of a typical university textbook, the 6th
edition of Maduras International Financial Management,
published in 2000 by International Thompson Publishing.
Thousands of Americans apparently use this book to learn
how to do business internationally.
Right at the end of the book there are two world maps,
and Africa is not on either one. The one map shows export
markets for US companies while the other shows direct
investments of US companies. Not a word is said about
why Africa has been cut, but you can imagine it is because
there is so little trade between Africa and the US.
For many Americans, Africa is indeed not on the map.
Thats why President Thabo Mbekis efforts
to enhance Africas image are so necessary. The
more positive general perceptions of Africa, the more
benefit to South Africas economy.
Chairperson, I am of the firm conviction that the hope
of the 21st century as the African century has already
begun. The long walk to peace and prosperity in Africa
has commenced with the first major steps. This is indeed
the thrust of my message today.
South Africa, together with its partners, has made remarkable
progress in preparing the groundwork for the revitalisation
of Africa and prevention of the further marginalisation
of the continent.
For the purposes of giving further momentum to the considerable
progress already made, the South African Government
has identified the following foreign-policy priorities
for this year (2002):
Ensuring a successful transition from the Organisation
of African Unity (OAU) to the AU;
implementing the NEPAD;
hosting of the World Summit on Sustainable Development
strengthening sub-regional efforts of the SADC and the
furthering peace, stability and security; and
enhancing bilateral economic development and co-operation.
Chairperson, the year 2002 is one of the most important
in the history of South Africas foreign policy,
indeed for the whole of Africa. Future generations will
look back at this year as one of the defining moments
in Africas history. Exciting challenges lie ahead
for us and I will endeavor to provide a glimpse of what
can be expected.
South Africa is honoured to be hosting the Inauguration
Summit of the AU in South Africa in July 2002. As Chair,
South Africa will seek to play a constructive role to
ensure that the core structures of the AU commence functioning
smoothly, namely the Assembly of Heads of State and
Government, the Executive Council, the African Parliament,
the Permanent Representative Committee of Ambassadors
and the Commission, and other structures of the AU which
will be established later. The first year of the AU
is crucial for us to set the pace and direction of the
organisation for subsequent years.
I would like to assure you all, especially the Afro-pessimists,
that the AU will be fundamentally different from its
predecessor, the OAU. It is not merely the "O"
that falls away as certain detractors would scorn. The
transition to the AU reflects the continuation of Africas
own unwavering determination to deal with the legacy
of colonialism and underdevelopment. The future focus
will also be on meeting the basic needs of people with
regard to socio-economic development, achieving peace,
security and stability, and the protection of human
rights, democracy, good governance and the rule of law.
There will also be important limitations on the principle
The AU will place particular emphasis on conflict prevention,
management and resolution and instruments in this regard
are being strengthened. According to initial plans,
the Central Organ of the Mechanism on Conflict Prevention,
Management and Resolution will be changed to an AU Peace
and Security Council (PSC), comprising fifteen member
It is envisaged that membership of the PSC should be
based on a set of agreed criteria which will be predicated
on the capacity and interest of a country to assume
and discharge the responsibilities, and include commitment
to uphold the principles enshrined in the Constitutive
Act of the African Union.
It is proposed that the PSC should be in permanent session
for it to address the daily security challenges facing
the continent. Moreover, the PSC should meet at the
level of Permanent Representatives, Ministers and Heads
of State and Government respectively. The chairmanship
of the PSC should be delinked from the chairmanship
of the AU. The questions of permanent membership and
veto rights for such members are, however, still under
discussion. It is foreseen that there should be a close
working relationship between the PSC and the UN, on
the one hand, and sub-regional mechanisms, on the other.
Discussions and consultations are also taking place
on the establishment of a Council of the Wise, comprising
highly respected African personalities, to complement
the efforts of the envisaged AU Peace and Security Council.
Chairperson, NEPAD is seeking fundamental transformation
regarding political and economic governance. Given the
realities of our continent, we have no illusion about
the difficulties and indeed opposition from vested interests
that we will face in implementing the objectives of
NEPAD. NEPAD is about genuine partnership and not paternalism.
We also start from an understanding that NEPAD is not
an event but a process.
Impressive progress has already been made and a detailed
implementable NEPAD Programme of Action will be presented
to the G8 Summit in Kananaskis in June 2002 and to the
Inaugural AU Summit in South Africa in July 2002. The
NEPAD Steering Committee, together with the G8 Personal
Representatives Committee have been meeting at regular
intervals and are focusing on the following themes,
namely: Governance, Peace and Security, Education/Knowledge
and Health and Economic Growth and Private Investment.
Strong support has already been received from each
of the G8 states, with various states expressing specific
interest in particular areas of NEPAD. For example:
The USA announced an additional US$ 5 billion per annum
for development assistance over the next ten years;
the EU has committed itself to raising its development
assistance to 0,39% of GDP over the next nine years;
and Canada has decided to increase its ODA contribution
by 8% over the same period. The implication is that
much of this will benefit the NEPAD process.
Unfortunately there are suggestions of "collective
punishment", i.e. NEPAD will be held hostage to
events in any one country. Surely this cannot be right.
Africa understands the importance of "good governance"
politically and economically.
The NEPAD Implementation Committee of Heads of State
and Government, at their meeting in Abuja, Nigeria,
on 26 March 2002, adopted the Draft Report on Good Governance
and Democracy, as well as an African Peer Review Mechanism
The Draft Report on Good Governance and Democracy spells
out in detail commitments and obligations such as: strengthening
of the democratic process, promotion of good governance,
protection of human rights, press freedom and enhancing
institutional capacity. New initiatives worth underscoring
the establishment of a portfolio, in the AU, of a Commissioner
to be responsible for Democracy, Human Rights and Good
expansion of the OAU position on Unconstitutional Changes
of Government by expanding the yellow/red card-principle
to include patently undemocratic and unconstitutional
behaviour, as well as gross violations of human rights
by governments in power;
examining of a series of reforms to improve the effectiveness
of the Charter system, including amendments to the Charter
and strengthening the Commission and the Court of Human
and Peoples Rights;
establishing an effective African Peer Review Mechanism
The APRM is designed, owned and managed by Africans
so as to demonstrate that African leaders are fully
aware of their responsibilities and obligations to their
peoples and are genuinely prepared to engage and relate
to the international community on the basis of mutual
The purpose of the APRM would be to:
Enhance African ownership of its development agenda.
Identify, evaluate and disseminate best practices.
Monitor progress towards agreed goals.
Use peer review to enhance adoption and implementation
of best practice.
Ensure that policy is based on best current knowledge
Identify deficiencies and capacity gaps and recommend
approaches to addressing these issues.
Each NEPAD-participating country is expected to define
a clear time-bound programme of action for meeting the
said commitments, obligations and actions. Once a Government
has pledged to these commitments, a concomitant is that
the state in question is to be reviewed every three
years. Upon receipt of country reports, the Heads of
State and Government of participating states could consider
a number of actions at sub regional and/or regional
level, inter alia: using the yellow/red card approach
currently utilised by the OAU. The Heads of State will
decide on appropriate measures on a case-by-case basis.
Country reports and the Heads of State findings are
to be made public.
Conversely, committed states should be assisted to overcome
deficiencies and capacity constraints in meeting their
commitments and obligations. The monitoring and review
process could be utilised to identify these deficiencies
and limitations and to assist in securing the necessary
resources to overcome them. Incentives (political, social
and economic) must be created for emerging democracies
that are committed to maintaining and entrenching their
achievements. It is necessary to support good leadership
on the continent. Good governance, political and economic,
demands appropriate conditions, especially eradication
of poverty and underdevelopment. This requires, inter-alia,
support in the form of increased market access, debt
relief, increased flow of investment and ODA, removal
of agricultural subsisides in OECD countries ($360 billion
a year), technological transfer and bridging the IT
It is proposed that members of the APRM team, as well
as their terms of reference, be recommended by the Council
of Ministers for the approval by the Heads of State
and Government Implementation Committee. Such an approved
team would be comprised of an eminent African personality
and nominees of the envisaged African Commission for
Human Rights, Peace and Security Council and the Pan-African
The Abuja meeting the NEPAD Implementation Committee
also approved eight Draft Codes and Standards for Economic
and Corporate Governance for Africa were approved. These
Code of Good Practices on Transparency in Monetary and
Code of Good Practices on Fiscal Transparency;
Best Practices for Budget Transparency;
Guidelines for Public Debt Management;
Principles of Corporate Governance (business ethics);
International Accounting Standards;
International Standards on Auditing; and the
Core Principles for Effective Banking Supervision.
NEPAD objectives will inform our strategic bilateral
relationships. In the case of the USA, South Africa
is encouraging the extension and deepening of the African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) as well as the development
of Africas capacity to take full advantage of
Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is exploring
the possibility of a comprehensive trade agreement with
South Africa will continue its focused political dialogue
with strategic partners in Europe. We will further emphasise
NEPAD objectives during high-level institutionalised
meetings, notably with Germany, UK, France and Spain
and at the upcoming Nordic-South Africa Summit.
South Africa is looking forward to working closely with
Japan for the preparations for the TICAD III conference
early next year. In addition, we will also continue
to encourage China to synchronise policies towards Africa
in line with NEPAD. India can be a significant partner
for NEPAD with her substantial experience in democracy,
the promotion of peace and stability and economic development.
Chairperson, I would like to underscore that partnerships
for NEPAD are not restricted to the G8, but also include
smaller developed countries and countries of the South.
No one is excluded who can make a contribution!
NEPAD is also about partnerships between governments,
the private sector and civil society. In the end NEPADs
success will largely depend on the involvement of the
private sector and other elements of civil society.
South Africa has already launched an Outreach Programme
to inform and popularise the AU and the NEPAD. This
Outreach Programme is coordinated by the Presidency
and involves the African Institute of South Africa,
Departments of Foreign Affairs, Arts, Culture, Science
and Technology, Government Communication and Information
System (GCIS), NEPAD Secretariat and the South African
Chapter of the African Renaissance.
The corporate world is starting to show a keen interest
in NEPAD as evidenced by the attendance of about 900
business people at the NEPAD Financing for Developing
Conference held in Dakar, Senegal, this week. Corporate
leaders included representatives from Microsoft, Hewlett
Packard, IBM, Chevron, Shell, Petronas, Coca-Cola and
Eskom. NEPAD will also be the main topic of discussion
between governments of Southern Africa and the private
sector at the upcoming World Economic Forum Southern
African Summit to be held in South Africa later this
South Africas interaction with the continent must
also primarily be through its membership of SADC. Given
the political and economic instability in certain SADC
member countries, some "experts" have suggested
that South Africa should "ring-fence" itself
from the rest of the region. This can never be a policy
option for this Government! Instead of this view, South
Africas foreign policy is a principled one based
on the view that South Africa cannot be an island of
prosperity in a sea of poverty and that the concept
of regionalism is becoming increasingly important in
order to compete globally.
Broadly South Africas vision for the Southern
African region is one of the highest possible degree
of economic co-operation, mutual assistance and joint
planning of regional development initiatives, leading
to integration consistent with socio-economic, environmental
and political realities.
SADC, through various protocols, has laid the basis
on which regional planning and development in southern
Africa should be pursued. At the SADC Summit held in
Blantyre, Malawi, in August 2001, attention focussed
on the implementation of the restructuring of the operations
of SADC institutions. This restructuring is expected
to give the organisation the institutional framework
required to support NEPAD. The decision-making within
the organisation has also been re-examined with proposals
that decision-making operate on a troika basis. This
will undoubtedly create better conditions for the consolidation
of democracy in our region. Good governance, democracy
and the rule of law, are the foundations on which SADC
SADC also provides the desired instrument by means
of which member States should move towards economic
integration. Thus SADC, together with the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS), the Arab Magreb Union
(AMU), Economic Community of Central African States
(ECCAS) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern
Africa (COMESA) form the five Regional Economic Communities
(RECs) recognised as building blocks of the African
Another important development in SADC this past year
was the signing of the Protocol establishing the Organ
on Politics, Defence and Security in Blantyre on the
14th of August 2002. All countries in the region are
in the process of ratifying the Organ Protocol. A Draft
SADC Declaration on Terrorism has been formulated and
will be signed later this year. The Declaration recognises
the effects terrorism has had on the region and unites
the region against this scourge. SADC member states
are called upon to ratify the OAU Convention on Terrorism.
Chairperson, South Africa is committed to bring about
peace, security and stability on the African continent
and will continue to be seized with the Middle East
conflict. Peace, stability and security are preconditions
for sustainable development and by implication for the
success of NEPAD.
If we can secure peace in the DRC, Angola and the Sudan,
all three resource-rich countries, the prospects for
economic development in Africa could be realised. Needless
to say, SA will continue to be actively involved in
seeking solutions to conflicts in Africa and the Middle
Chairperson, we are very much aware that the many conflicts
in Africa have their roots in the abject poverty that
is pervasive on the continent. The statistics in this
regard are well known to everyone here. The number of
Africas poor has grown relentlessly and Africas
share of the worlds absolute poor increased from
25% to 30% in the 1990s. Not to mention the devastation
caused by HIV/Aids, malaria and tuberculosis. It is
because of these objective realities that NEPAD must
Poverty, poor governance and conflict constitute a vicious
cycle that must be broken at all cost. Therefore, the
sine qua non for development, and by implication the
success of NEPAD, is peace and stability. Because of
this reality, South Africa is committed to conflict
prevention, management and resolution on the African
continent, as well as the Middle East. I am convinced
that many conflicts in Africa are in the process of
being resolved. For example:
In Burundi, the Transitional Government is gradually
gaining the support of the majority of the population.
The deployment of the South African Protection Service
Detachment (SAPSD) constitutes a significant confidence
building measure. However, the situation remains fluid
The signing of the cease-fire agreement between Angolas
armed forces and the UNITA rebels on 4 April 2002, represents
a major step forward to bring about peace and stability
in the region. South Africa looks forward in assisting
Angolans with post-conflict reconstruction.
South Africa has seven officers deployed as observers
to the UN Mission to Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) and
two deployed as part of the OAU Liaison Mission (OLMEE).
South Africa is urging both countries to cooperate with
the UN in abiding by and peacefully implementing the
Border Commissions decision on the demarcation
of the 1600km border. We are also in support of the
release of the remaining prisoners of war as a matter
of priority. With regard to Sudan, South Africa continues
to recognise IGAD as the principal mediator for peace
in the Sudan and supports the process.
South Africa was appointed by the OAU as the Coordinator
of the Countries of the Region in June 1998 to address
the constitutional and secessionist crisis that had
arisen in the Comores. Foreign Minister Dlamini Zuma,
as Chairperson of the Committee of Ministers, has been
actively involved in resolving the crisis.
With regard to Lesotho, a number of remarkable achievements
have been made and consensus has been reached on an
electoral model. Elections will now take place on 25
May 2002. South Africa has allocated R3, 1 million for
election assistance (R1, 7 million for ICT training
and equipment for the IEC, and R1, 4 for participation
by the South African component of a SADC observer team).
Furthermore, South Africa is committed to assisting
Lesotho to move out of its classification of a Least
Developed Country (LDC) and a number of project proposals
of Lesotho are currently being considered.
South Africa also strongly supports the OAUs efforts
to mediate a solution in the grave constitutional crisis
besetting Madagascar as a consequence of the recent
disputed presidential election.
Concerning Zimbabwe, South Africa together with Nigeria,
in accordance with the Commonwealth mandate, will continue
to work towards national reconciliation and economic
reconstruction. A priority is the alleviation of serious
food shortages facing approximately 900 000 Zimbabweans
and to end the increasing polarisation and to create
conditions for an economic recovery. Initiatives such
as the one embarked upon by the Secretary-General of
the ANC, Mr. Kgalema Motlanthe, and the Nigerian academic,
Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, provide meaningful interactions
to bring about these aims.
Inter-Congolese Dialogue (ICD) latest developments
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Committee on Palestine
mandated the Chair, President Mbeki, to interact with
the various influential forces in the Middle East.
Chairperson, the South African Government believes that
the conflict in the Middle East constitutes a serious
threat to international peace and security.
The Government of South Africa unequivocally condemns
the continuing attempts by the State of Israel to destroy
the infrastructure of the Palestinian National Authority,
its legitimately elected leadership and the loss of
many innocent lives. Similarly, we strongly condemn
the actions of the Palestinian suicide bombers against
Like the rest of the world, it is impossible to insulate
ourselves from the deepening crisis.
The death and destruction of both Palestinians and Israelis
must stop. Violence only begets more violence. Both
groups have the right to live in conditions of safety
Fundamental to the resolution of the conflict is the
establishment of an independent Palestinian state. The
incontrovertible reality is that the conflict will not
end until this objective is achieved. No amount of violence
directed at the Palestinians will stop their struggle
for the establishment of their own independent homeland.
We unequivocally support this objective of the Palestinians
and will continue to support international solidarity
and endeavours in this regard. South Africa will also
make particular efforts to create and exploit opportunities
to strengthen pro-peace lobbies, even beyond Israel
and Palestine, in follow-up to the successful Spier
Presidential Peace Retreat Initiative.
Simultaneously, we unreservedly recognise the right
of the Israelis to live in their own state within secure
borders. South Africa welcomes the proposal made by
Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia that Israel should
withdraw to the 1967 borders in exchange for recognition
by the entire Arab world, as well as the decision taken
by the Arab League in this regard. This proposal creates
the possibility for an historic process that could end
the tensions and conflict in the Middle East.
Everything humanly possible must be done to restart
the political process to find a negotiated settlement
of the fundamental causes of this conflict. The argument
that there will be no substantive negotiations until
peace is achieved, is unsustainable. Peace negotiations
are necessary to end the conflict and violence!
The peoples of Palestine and Israel are condemned by
history to live together and they have no choice but
to succeed or live in perpetual conflict together.
The leaders of Israel are repeating the same costly
mistakes made by the apartheid leaders. During the apartheid
struggle, the uprising of our people was attributed
to so-called agitators and terrorists. The apartheid
regime did not want to recognise the reality that the
people had risen against oppression.
Resolution 1402 and 1403, which calls for the immediate
withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied Palestinian
territory, must be implemented immediately.
With regard to the World Summit on Sustainable Development
(WSSD), we are proud to host the largest international
conference ever with approximately 65 000 people attending.
The success of this conference will lay a solid basis
for us achieving our foreign policy objectives.
Three broad themes reflect the essential prerequisites
for moving towards sustainable development, namely alleviating
poverty and promoting sustainable livelihoods, realising
sustainable consumption and production, and protecting
the integrity of life-supporting eco-systems.
Certain important issues for the WSSD include:
Establishing the link between global security and development,
and strengthening the international commitment to global
peace and security and the need for increased multilateralism;
strengthening the system of international governance
for Sustainable Development by developing smart partnerships
aimed at poverty eradication;
ensuring that all stakeholders are committed to the
improved implementation of Agenda 21.
New issues to be addressed at the WSSD include the
biotechnology revolution, combating HIV/Aids, tuberculosis,
malaria and other pandemic diseases, as well as the
explosive growth in information and communication technologies.
Chairperson, in Johannesburg the world will aim to arrive
at a comprehensive, frank and useful review of the development
agenda of the past ten years and reinvigorate, at the
highest political level, the global commitment to Sustainable
Development. Issues that will be addressed at the WSSD
are of vital importance to the whole world, and particularly
so for developing countries and NEPAD objectives.
In conclusion I would like to quote from the Presidents
State of the Nation Address in Parliament on 8 February
2002. President Mbeki said, "the nations of the
world elected to come to our country because they understand
and appreciate what we have done in the last seven-and-a-half
years to address within our own borders precisely the
same questions that constitute the global agenda. They
chose to convene in South Africa because they are convinced
that we have something of value to contribute to the
building of a new and more equitable world order that
must surely emerge."
Together in partnership, let us make it happen!