Towards An African Identity Characterized by Peace, Democracy
And Development Through Partnerships by Deputy Minister Aziz Pahad, Durban, 23
Programme Director, Dr KB Mbanjwa
Chairperson, MEC M Mthimkhulu
Reverend Dr James Orange, affectionately known
as brother leader, not to be mistaken for another brother leader
from the USA
Delegations from Africa
It is a pleasure and honour to speak
at the 9th KwaZulu-Natal African Renaissance Summit.
This summit prioritises
the special needs of Africa which must be recognised by all as the most urgent
global priority confronting humanity in this century.
We cannot speak about
its present challenges without being mindful of the impact of its history of slavery,
colonialism, neo-colonialism and the Cold War.
I am reminded of the words
of William Cowper, an anti slavery activist who wrote, I quote
I own I am
shocked at the purchase of the slaves,
And fear those who buy them and them
What I hear of their hardships, their tortures, and groans,
almost enough to draw pity from stones.
I pity them greatly, but I must
For how could we do without sugar and rum?
Especially sugar, so
needful we see,
What? give up our desserts, our coffee and tea!"
conference must make the bold assertion that it refuses to be mum and that we
are prepared to give up our "desserts, our coffee and tea" as we collectively
confront the historic challenge of the day.
As we seek to meet these challenges
we acutely conscious that the world has fundamentally changed since the end of
the Cold War and the terrorist attacks against the USA on the 9th of September
2001. Today, the international paradigm is characterised interlia by:
dominance of one major power and the absence of a balance of power in the global
- The continuing move to unilateralism and the weakening of the
- The stark failure of attempts at UN reforms;
to challenge the hegemony of neo-liberalism and the Washington consensus;
failure to develop a response to globalisation, which will ensure that it benefits
- The failure of WTO talks and why Kofi Anan was forced to reflect.
events of the last ten years have not resolved but sharpened the challenges of
our unjust world economy, world order and contempt for human rights and the rule
It is a world at which right is right and not right is might.
really is unsustainable and has to be changed if we want a better Africa and a
2007 marks the 50th Anniversary of Ghana's independence, the
6th anniversary of the establishment of the African Union and 40th anniversary
of the death of Chief Albert Luthuli, a outstanding South African, an outstanding
African, an outstanding internationalist. Next year is the 40th anniversary of
the assassination of Martin Luther King.
This is the 9th African Renaissance
Festival and it is timely for us to ask what have we achieved with respect to
the African Renaissance. In 1998 then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki said "The
time has come that we say enough and no more, and by acting to banish the shame,
remake ourselves as the midwives of the African Renaissance" (Deputy President
Thabo Mbeki, 1998). At a Conference on the African Renaissance His Excellency
Hage G. Geingob, former Prime Minister of Namibia asked:
is this vision we call African Renaissance? How should the vision itself be articulated?
For now, when we talk about African Renaissance, we are talking about renaissance
with a lowercase 'r'. By definition, renaissance means rebirth, reawakening, revival,
reconstruction, renewal, resurrection, etc. We want renaissance to mean it all
and more. That still doesn't tell me what African Renaissance is. May I therefore
be so presumptuous as to suggest a vision statement of what I see African renaissance
to be as follows:
African Renaissance is our vision for Africa that, by
the year 2025, it becomes a continent in harmony with itself and with the world,
where every person has an opportunity to achieve his potential to the fullest
in an environment of peace and security, where every citizen of every country
is guaranteed human rights, and is assured of basic means of survival, self-respect
The questions we pose today are (i) what have we,
whom President Thabo Mbeki calls the midwives of the African Renaissance done
to realize the vision of the African Renaissance as articulated by His Excellency,
HG Geingob?; and (ii) What is the relationship between the African Renaissance
and African identity and citizenship?
To answer these questions we must
become like the ancient God Janus. In Roman mythology, Janus was the god of gates,
doors, doorways, beginnings, and endings. Janus is usually depicted with two faces
looking in opposite directions, was frequently used to symbolize change and transitions
from the past through the present into the future. He also represented time because
he could see into the past with one face and into the future with the other. He
was representative of the middle ground between barbarity and civilization, rural
country and urban cities, and youth and adulthood.
In this the interregnum
between the past and the future in Africa we must become like Janus and look both
forwards and backwards at the same time so as to enable us to pursue with vigour
the realisation of the African Renaissance.
Certainly we can all agree
that the vision of the African Renaissance is an all-embracing vision that draws
its inspiration from the rich and diverse history and cultures of Africa. It acknowledges
Africa as the cradle of humanity, whilst providing a framework for the modern
Africa to re-emerge as a significant partner in a world characterised by co-operation
not conflict, sharing not greed, multi-lateralism not unilateralism, democracy
and good governance not autocracy, equality and social justice not inequality,
respect for fundamental human rights not the violation of rights and freedoms
and the creation of non-sexist, non-racial and prosperous societies free from
discrimination. This vision therefore touches all areas of human endeavour - the
political, economic, social, technological, environmental and cultural.
1999, President Thabo Mbeki raised and answered the question of "why now".
Why will the call for the African Renaissance succeed now? And his answer is as
relevant today was it was eight years ago:
"Accordingly, what is new
about it today is that the conditions exist for the process to be enhanced, throughout
the continent, leading to the transformation of the idea from a dream dreamt by
visionaries to a practical programme of action for revolutionaries. What, then,
are these conditions! These are:
- the completion of the continental
process of the liquidation of the colonial system in Africa, attained as a result
of the liberation of South Africa;
- the recognition of the bankruptcy of
neo-colonialism by the masses of the people throughout the continent, including
the majority of the middle strata;
- the weakening of the struggle among
the major powers for spheres of influence on our continent, as a consequence of
the end of the Cold War; and,
- the acceleration of the process of globilisation.
Mbeki was urging us to seize the moment, to take advantage of these changed circumstances,
and to move to give birth to the African Renaissance. Eight years on we know that
the success of the African Renaissance depends first and foremost on our ability
to deal decisively the critical challenges which face our continent today, including:
- Strengthening democracy, good governance, accountability
- Social exclusion, social injustice and inequality;
of fundamental human rights, including abrogation of the rights of women and children;
prevention and resolution;
- Reclaiming our natural resources and ensuring
that the wealth of our continent can be used to create prosperity for all on our
- Promoting socio-economic development and regional and continental
- Addressing the continued marginalisation of huge segments
of Africa's economy and society from the process of globalisation and addressing
the negative effects of globalisation.
This is the historic project
that the African Renaissance must be centrally engaged with. But the realisation
of the African Renaissance requires both political will and commitment and active
engagement by all sectors of African society, women, youth, people with disabilities,
the African intelligentsia, the workers and peasants the business community and
the NGO sector. This multi-sectoral approach to the realisation of the African
Renaissance must also be centrally engaged with the issue of African identity
President Mbeki reiterating his view that the time is
now says "The conviction therefore that our past tells us that the time for
Africa's Renaissance has come, is fundamental to the very conceptualization of
this Renaissance and the answer to the question: Whence this confidence? Unless
we are able to answer the question "Who were we?" we will not be able
to answer the question "What shall we be?" This complex exercise, which
can be stated in simple terms, links the past to the future and speaks to the
interconnection between an empowering process of restoration and the consequences
or the response to the acquisition of that newly restored power to create something
new". (Deputy President 1998).
Being Janus like, we understand that
identity formation and social cohesion of Africans in the contemporary era is
a complex response to many factors. The African identity is richly textured and
layered and has been forged over three distinct epochs - the pre-colonial period,
the colonial period and the post colonial, neo-colonial period. The pre-colonial
period was one where even as Europe was entering its Renaissance, Africa had unrivalled
societies and centres of excellence in Mali, Ethopia, Egypt, West Africa, East
Africa and Southern Africa.
These civilisations with their centres of learning
and culture have contributed enormously to the African Identity and to global
knowledge and culture. But their impact has been blunted and muted by the primacy
of the colonial and neo-colonial periods in shaping the African identity. In these
two historical eras identity formation was a result of struggle against colonialism
and then against neo-colonial engendered corruption, dictatorship, national and
regional conflicts. But it was also a result of grass roots initiatives directed
at poverty alleviation and sustainable development, improving the well being of
millions, overcoming underdevelopment and creating inclusive and cohesive communities,
societies and regions.
Certainly, the recognition of the substantial inequality
and absence of social inclusion, coupled with the reality of colonialism, exclusion
and discrimination prompted among Africans a reflexive or what Castells calls
a "defensive" assertion of identity (Castells, 1997). The assertion
of an identity against colonial oppression, discrimination and exclusion lays
the basis for the emergence of a politics of inclusion and social cohesion that
is rooted in the African Renaissance.
This politics of inclusion linked
to the African Renaissance is essentially a politics that cuts across inter group
and intra group identity and builds a movement of solidarity fully capable of
challenging both the negative impact of colonialism on the African identity and
of challenging Afro-pessimism. This is similar to Giddens' notion of "dialogic
democracy" based on a mutual respect, a shared understanding of the pre-colonial
past, the effects of exclusion and marginalization and the emergence of solidarity:
concerns furthering of cultural cosmopolitanism
and is a prime building block of that connection of autonomy and solidarity
democracy encourages the democratization of democracy within the sphere of the
liberal-democratic polity." (Giddens, 1994: 112).
The growth of the
African identity therefore is producing the conditions for the strengthening of
the African Renaissance rooted in what David Held calls a "cosmopolitan democracy"
(Held, 1995: 226-231) that recognizes differences, respects differences and that
argues for African unity out of immense diversity. The definition of an African
identity as a response to colonialism, discrimination, oppression and exclusion
starkly poses the question of equality in contemporary period. This is where excluded
groups contest their exclusion in a number of arenas - employment, service and
governance. So an African Renaissance discourse that does not simultaneously address
these critical manifestations of exclusions in the midst of globalisation cannot
What the above suggests is that the African Renaissance is as
much about rebirth as it is about redress and it is about a shift onto the terrain
of civil and political equality and social justice.
It is this dualism one
rooted in the many different pasts and one forward looking that continually shapes
the African identity. And it is in this dualism that we find the seeds of the
African Renaissance. For, unless the African Renaissance is people centred, as
a historic project it will not succeed.
So the contemporary African identity
must be intimately linked to the African Renaissance, it must be forged out of
a quest for peace and social justice, the eradication of poverty and unemployment,
it must be linked to an infinite improvement in the social condition of the vast
majority of poverty stricken African people.
At its core, African Renaissance
is an economic and social development agenda for Africa. It is a comprehensive
and far-reaching global plan of action to tackle poverty and the developmental
needs of Africa in an era of globalisation.
The rebirth, revival and renewal
of Africa are encapsulated in the vision of an African Renaissance and in the
belief that this will truly be the African Century. This concept of an African
Renaissance is highly compelling because it goes beyond the language of oppression
and enables the dispossessed, the poor and the marginalized to give voice and
expression to the way in which they have experienced colonialism and neo-colonialism,
they way they experience globalization, the way in which they experience market
forces and the way in which they experience the totality of their socio-political
and economic existence.
The vision of the African Renaissance resonates
with many including those who (i) are denied access to the valued goods and services
in society because of their race, gender, religion, disability etc; (ii) lack
adequate resources to be effective, contributing members of society; and (iii)
are not recognized as full and equal participants in society. The roots of the
African Renaissance are deep, historical and must be continually reproduced in
both old and new ways in contemporary society.
Without undertaking an
analysis of the complexity of the African identity and how the African Renaissance
can redefine the African identity, we will languish in a world where we only look
backwards. The contemporary discourse on the African Renaissance must not be narrowly
focused on poverty and integration into the paid labour market, it must be linked
to an alternate discourse that speaks of inclusion, power and empowerment, equality
and access, prosperity for all and ecological sustainability, values and ethics.
The value of African Renaissance is that it fully capable of meeting the
greatest challenges posed by diversity in Africa - to build on the traditions
of equality and to move to the incorporation of the ideals of anti-racism, anti-sexism
and anti-discrimination as core ideals exemplifying African Renaissance values.
The African Renaissance is capable of this because it is about respect for differences
and it is about the removal of barriers to effective and equitable participation
in all spheres of public life.
The politics of the African Renaissance
is about an inclusive democracy that places issues of social justice at the heart
of the historic Renaissance project. Democracy and an inclusive polity are the
locus of citizenship and it is essential to recognize that the very definition
of Renaissance in the public sphere and inclusive African citizenship on a continental
scale are still contested notions. There is no single public sphere, no single
acceptable notion of citizenship and no single notion of social cohesion. There
are instead multiple spheres and spaces in which historically marginalized groups
develop their own sense of cohesion to contest oppression, discrimination and
exclusion - where they posit a different understanding of space, citizenship and
social cohesion. In positing this different and alternate understanding, they
are challenging us, the midwives of the African Renaissance, to put issues of
inequality and social justice at the heart of a reclaimed African Renaissance.
When historically marginalized groups contest notions of rights and conceptions
of citizenship they are simultaneously seeking an alternative. And the alternative
is about inclusion as valued participants in an Africa that is committed to the
eradication of poverty, the vestiges of colonialism and the colonial mentality,
violence and conflict and disadvantage in all its forms and manifestations.
the narrow sense citizenship is exclusionary. It is about who is a citizen of
a nation state and what bundle of rights that citizen can exercise and it is about
what that citizen is entitled to as a member of the nation state. In the realm
of formal equality the laws, the constitutions, the human rights codes proclaim
the equality of all citizens. In this realm, it is just that citizens should be
equally entitled to certain rights typically associated with a democracy - the
right to vote, to freedom of association, freedom of religion etc.
discourse within a broader rights and equality discourse, African Renaissance
forces us to think beyond the realm of formal equality and into the realm of substantive
equality. African Renaissance begins from the premise that it is democratic citizenship
that is at risk when we on our continent fail to develop the talents and capacities
of all our citizens. The African Renaissance is undermined when the rights of
our people are not respected and accommodated and they lose respect for the institutions
For the African Renaissance to succeed there can be no contradiction
between democratic citizenship and differentiated citizenship (where people can
hold dual and even multiple loyalties). The African Renaissance is about valued
participation, valued recognition and belonging. At a minimum, it is characterized
- All the political rights associated with formal equality;
right to equality and a right to equal access to valued goods and services;
intimate relationship between the individual and the community;
relationship of rights and obligations;
- A commitment on the part of the
state to ensure that all members of society have equal access to developing their
talents and capacities; and
- Providing all members of society with the
resources to exercise democratic citizenship.
- The eradication of poverty,
unemployment and underdevelopment; and
- Pro-poor sustainable development.
realisation of the African Renaissance has a number of important elements to it.
There can be no African Renaissance without peace and security. The January 2007
AU Summit in Addis Ababa recalled that "the maintenance of international
peace and security is the primary responsibility of the United Nations Security
Council and called upon the United Nations to examine, within the context of Chapter
VIII of the United Nations Charter, the possibility of funding, through assessed
contributions, peacekeeping operations undertaken by African Union or under its
authority and with the consent of the United Nations".
There can be
no African Renaissance without African solutions to the intractable conflicts
on our soil, including the conflicts in Sudan/Darfur, the Horn of Africa, and
There can be no African Renaissance without intense and
immense support to the fragile peace achieved in Burundi and the DRC.
can be no African Renaissance unless we deal with socio-economic inequalities
and realise the Millennium Development Goals to which we have all committed ourselves.
In 2000, in the historic Millennium Summit Declaration, world leaders pledged
their commitment not only to their own citizens, but also to all people in the
world. They proclaimed as follows:
"We believe that the central challenge
we face today is to ensure that globalization becomes a positive force for all
the world's people. For while globalization offers great opportunities, at present
its benefits are very unevenly shared, while its costs are unevenly distributed.
We recognize that developing countries and countries with economies in transition
face special difficulties in responding to this central challenge. Thus, only
through broad and sustained efforts to create a shared future, based upon our
common humanity in all its diversity, can globalization be made fully inclusive
and equitable. These efforts must include policies and measures, at the global
level, which correspond to the needs of developing countries and economies in
transition, and are formulated and implemented with their effective participation."
years later, in 2005, the World Summit Outcome Document, in reviewing progress
achieved in the implementation of the Millennium Declaration, world leaders proclaimed:
strongly reiterate our determination to ensure the timely and full realization
of the development goals and objectives agreed at the major United Nations conferences
and summits, including those agreed at the Millennium Summit that are described
as the Millennium Development Goals, which have helped to galvanize efforts towards
Progress towards achieving the Millennium Development
Goals has been exceptionally slow, most notably in Sub-Saharan Africa. This slow
progress can primarily be attributed to the fact that current international efforts
to assist developing countries in their efforts are inadequate to meet the need.
The ongoing initiatives to identify and utilise various innovative new sources
of financing for development are therefore critical to overcoming the financing
constraints that limit progress towards the achievement of international development
objectives. The global imbalance between developed and developing countries continues
to widen, however. This situation must be urgently addressed if the world as a
whole is to prosper into the 21st century.
There can be no African Renaissance
unless we provide education and health care, eradicate highly preventable diseases,
deal with malnutrition and hunger and ensure that no child and no adult in Africa
goes to bed hungry. For why would our people be interested in the lofty ideals
of the African Renaissance when they cannot feed themselves and their families?
can be no African Renaissance without good governance. And in an effort to enhance
the quality of governance in Africa, the Sixth Summit of the African Heads of
State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) of the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (NEPAD) held in Abuja, Nigeria, in March 2003, adopted the
Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM).
It is an instrument voluntarily acceded to by member states of the African Union
(AU) as a self-monitoring mechanism.
The mandate of the APRM is to ensure
that the policies and practices of participating states conform to the agreed
political, economic and corporate governance values, codes and standards contained
in the Declaration on Democratic, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance
adopted at the AU Summit in 2002. The primary purpose of the APRM is to foster
the adoption of policies, standards and practices that will lead to political
stability, high economic growth, sustainable development and accelerated sub-regional
and continental economic integration through the sharing of experiences and the
reinforcement of successful best practices, including identifying deficiencies
and assessing the needs of capacity building.
The APRM is open to all members
of the AU and so far twenty six member countries have acceded to it. Since its
inception in 2003 the APR Panel has launched reviews in 13 countries and peer
reviews have been finalised in three of these countries namely Ghana, Kenya and
Rwanda. South Africa welcomes the Report by the APR Panel. The Report including
South Africa's comprehensive Programme of Action will be presented to the Heads
of State and Heads of Government of the African Peer Review Forum in July of this
There can be no African Renaissance without a developmental state
committed to development and sustainable economic growth, sharing the fruits of
prosperity and redistribution to close wealth and asset gaps between rich and
poor. President Thabo Mbeki noted that "The time has come that we call a
halt to the seemingly socially approved deification of the acquisition of material
wealth and the abuse of state power to impoverish the people and deny our Continent
the possibility to achieve sustainable economic development".
most recent Economic Report on Africa, published by the United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa in February 2007, illustrates the relationship between development,
peace and security. In their report, the ECA states that, during 2006, growth
in Africa has increased but it is still not enough. The report states that African
economies continue to sustain the growth momentum of previous years, recording
an overall real GDP growth rate of 5.7% in 2006 compared to 5.3% in 2005 and 5.2%
in 2004. As many as 28 countries recorded improvements in growth in 2006, relative
to 2005. Only Zimbabwe recorded a negative growth rate in 2006.
be no African Renaissance without regional and continental integration. Regional
integration and the creation of an African common market has been the vision of
African leaders since the early years of independence. The regional process of
economic integration must be viewed within the context of the continental efforts
towards economic and political integration. It will be recalled that the AU Heads
of State and Government at their meeting held in Sirte, Libya in July 2005, reaffirmed
that the ultimate goal of the African Union is to realise a full political and
economic integration leading to the United States of Africa. The Union Government
was envisaged to have identifiable goals based on a set of clear, shared values
and common interests. In order to effectively drive the African integration agenda,
South Africa must ensure that the regional and continental processes are complementary
and mutually supportive. A hallmark event in determining the next phase of the
African century will be the July Summit of AU Heads of State and Government which
will be devoted to the "grand debate" to consider the process of economic
and political integration of the continent.
These renewed efforts at integrating
economies and expediting economic growth confirm that Africa remains determined
to pursue the African Renaissance objectives of accelerating socio-economic development
and ensuring that the continent assumes its rightful place in the international
There can be no African Renaissance without South-North partnership
on the basis of equality, recognition of the need for reform and democratisation
of multi-lateral institutions of governance and to ensure peace, security and
development in the South.
There can be no African Renaissance without a
sustained and informed South-South dialogue. South Africa actively advances the
African agenda and that of the South through engagement with like-minded countries
in regional and sub-regional groupings in the South e.g. Non-Aligned Movement
(NAM), G77 and China, IBSA, NAASP and the China-Africa Forum, as mentioned above.
These groups provide platforms for countries of the South to articulate and promote
their collective interests and enhance their joint negotiating capacity on all
major international economic and development issues. South Africa is fully committed
to the following up on the outcomes of the Second South Summit held in Doha, Qatar
in June 2005 aimed at enhancing technical cooperation among developing countries
and strengthening interdependence amongst these countries in various areas such
as poverty eradication, health, education, population, women and children.
Dialogue is instrumental in realising the objectives of the African century and
countries such as India, Brazil, China and the countries in the Middle East are
being mobilised to partner with Africa to implement its programmes, particularly
President Thabo Mbeki definitely challenges us when he says:
again we come back to the point that we, who are our own liberators from imperial
domination, cannot but be confident that our project to ensure the restoration
not of empires, but the other conditions in the 16th century described by Leo
Africanus: of peace, stability, prosperity, and intellectual creativity, will
and must succeed! The simple phrase "We are our own liberators!" is
the epitaph on the gravestone of every African who dared to carry the vision in
his or her heart of Africa reborn.
So we understand, both as our own
liberators and as the midwives of the African Renaissance, that this historic
project includes all spheres of the economy, society and the polity. Its realisations
requires a very high degree of inter state co-operation and co-ordination.
it can well be argued that the preconditions for the realisation of the African
Renaissance are in many respects also its goals and objectives. For poverty eradication,
peace and security, sustainable and shared growth are all preconditions for the
realisation of the African Renaissance. And in a very real and tangible sense
in order to achieve the social and economic regeneration and development of the
Continent we need a Renaissance.
What makes a discourse on African Renaissance
most compelling is that it:
- Is the political response to centuries
of oppression, colonialism and neo-colonialism;
- Is proactive.
It is about demandings that nation states and the institutions of nation states
be proactive in advancing an inclusive vision of Africa;
solidarity. Africans from diverse backgrounds can come together on the basis of
common purpose and can engage in an inclusionary politics that is directed at
the creation of inclusive communities, cities and an inclusive continent;
virtue of vision can make governments and institutions transparent and accountable
for their policies.
- Is about transformation. It is about the
political struggle and the political will to transform the colonial and post colonial
mindset and further a vision of inclusion and cohesion that binds its proponents
and adherents to action.
- Is embracing. It posits a notion of
an African identity rooted in democratic citizenship as opposed to formal citizenship
- an identity rooted in a commitment to peace, security, social justice and improving
the well being of all and especially of the most marginalised and excluded on
African Renaissance, therefore is about social cohesion
and inclusion plus, it is about citizenship plus, it is about rights and responsibilities
plus, it is about accommodation of differences plus, it is about unity in diversity
plus, it is about democracy plus, and it is about a new way of thinking about
solutions to the critical challenges facing Africa. It is the combination of the
various pluses that make the discourse on the African Renaissance so incredibly
exciting. Let us be seized by the possibilities of building an Africa that is
cohesive and united in its diversity, an Africa that takes its rightful place
in the 21st century as a continent in the midst of a Renaissance. As President
Mbeki oft repeats, there has never been a better time to embrace the vision of
an African Renaissance than now. And if we agree that Africa will be a much stronger,
peaceful and prosperous continent if we embrace the African Renaissance as a transformative
tool and as a normative ideal, then the question that remains is how will this
conference and how will participants at this conference further the aims and ideals
of the African Renaissance?
African Intellectual Obenga, has noted:
"Any renaissance must correspond to a period of strong emotions, intensive
creativity and flames illuminating the countryside - am exceptional period when
a nation's creative genius discovers its mission, fulfil it to its best, without
betraying, diminishing or downsizing it. It should correspond to great moments
in history, and great works. All people want rebirth after misfortune, wars, genocide,
holocaust, ignorance, obscurantism, colonialism. Rebirth is a positive attitude
We have to mobilise the masses in Africa and internationally
"to bless Africa with a generation creative genius that discovers its mission,
fulfil it to its best, without betraying, diminishing, reducing or downsizing
it - the missionary to achieve Africa's integration and renaissance".
am confident that this conference will contribute to our efforts to ensuring that
these fundamental values do determine the new world order, which is equitable
and ensures that the quality of life of millions of Africans improve substantially
and that "right is might and not might is right".